Opponents of the law – which fast-tracks citizenship for undocumented, non-Muslim migrants from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan – decry the ways in which it discriminates against Muslims.
As they did when the law was passed in 2019, many Indians took to the streets.
The demonstrations were more muted this time, though some protesters were detained by the police. The government, perhaps fearing a reprise, had increased police patrols and deployed paramilitary troops in places that had been hotbeds of protest.
Four years ago, university campuses and Muslim neighborhoods such as Delhi’s Shaheen Bagh were packed with people who, day after day, chanted slogans, belted out songs and recited poetry.
Poet Hussain Haidry rose to fame in the 2019-2020 protests. Haidry, who’s also a Bollywood lyricist and scriptwriter, penned anti-CAA poems that became a rallying cry against the government, particularly “Tum Dekhogey,” or “You will see” in English.
I first heard “Tum Dekhogey” in 2020 when Haidry recited it at a lecture at Columbia University on the anti-CAA protests.
As a scholar and translator of Urdu poetry, I was moved by the ways in which the poem described the state’s violence against peaceful protesters. I went on to translate the poem, and I’m currently writing about it for my forthcoming book, “Urdu Poetry and Politics in Contemporary India.”
For me, the poem crystallizes the disturbing turn of events in a country that once prized secularism, democracy and free expression. Because poems like Haidry’s directly challenge state power, the government and its supporters seek to portray them as seditious and anti-Indian.
A secularist ethos squelched
The CAA was passed in 1955, a few years after India’s freedom from colonial rule in 1947.
It was intended to formalize citizenship for everyone living in India since 1949, as well as those born in India since or before that date.
But in 2019, the right-wing government changed this law to allow migrants of religious groups from neighboring Muslim majority countries to apply for citizenship.
There was one exception: Muslim migrants.
In one fell swoop, this new law erased India’s constitutional guarantee to grant citizenship to people of all religions. Most of India’s poor do not have formal citizenship papers, even if their families have lived in the country for generations. If they happen to be Muslim, they can no longer apply.
This law – in tandem with plans to create a National Register of Citizens, which would require all Indians to show proof of citizenship – would effectively render millions of India’s Muslims, lower castes and the poor ineligible for government benefits. They would be unable to vote and would face a constant threat of displacement from the country of their birth.
Delhi-based lawyer Gautam Bhatia has argued that dividing alleged migrants into Muslims and non-Muslims “explicitly and blatantly seeks to enshrine religious discrimination into law, contrary to our long-standing, secular constitutional ethos.”
In 2019, the passing of these laws by the Lok Sabha, the lower house of India’s Parliament, was met with nationwide protests. The most prominent was the Muslim women-led 101-day sit-in at Shaheen Bagh. Due to protests and widespread outcry, the implementation of the law was put on hold.
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